This is not an Election: It is a Coup

As Italy’s election date of the 25th of September draws nearer, its attempt at the reestablishment of Democracy is further away than ever.

A modified article (18 bis, comma 2) of a preexisting law (n.361, 30th of March, 1957) approved unanimously on the 28th of June 2022 by Italian parliament, states that any political party present in at least one of the chambers of parliament prior to the date of December 21st, 2021, is exempted from the collection of signatures in order to demonstrate and ratify electoral support, even if they have not recieved more than 1% of votes nationally. Parliament was then dissolved on the 25th of July, and an annoucement made by Sergio Mattarella that elections would be held on the 25th of September, leaving new political movements born of the Covid/Constitutional crisis with significant logistic and meteorological obstacles: only a few weeks to legally ratify their parties with a notary, gather signatures of adherents in every region, deposit the signatures by the 22nd of August, and then commence an electoral campaign, and all of this during the hottest month of the year, when more than 80% of Italians are on holiday. Not only were these modifications clearly made to prevent any dissident voice from democratically participating in the political life of the country: they were approved and ratified unanimously, with the support of every party – opposition party included – and accepted by the President of the Republic, who is also the representative head of Italian Magistrates. All of these events are occuring in deafening silence, thanks to the complicit mainstream media, which has censured the very existance of these dissident parties. This scenario embodies the textbook definition of FASCISM.

A Brief History of recent political corruption in Italy, the Bel Paese

In 2011, Italy’s last democratically elected prime minister was forced by the President of the BCE (Mario Draghi) to resign, due to a notable rise in the Italian spread, attributed to presumed political instability, established by the dubious – and certainly not impartial – evaluation of Standard and Poor’s. The BCE itself could have intervened to prevent the rise in the spread, but it was evident that the powers that be desired to rid themselves of Berlusconi, and more importantly – his finance minister Giulio Tremonti, who had his own plans to assist Italy in reestablishing some symbolic economic autonomy.

Berlusconi was followed by SEVEN YEARS of unelected technical governments formed mysteriously by the minority PD party, with representatives of PD also functioning as prime minister (Mario Monti, Paulo Gentiloni, Enrico Letta, Matteo Renzi). This political distopia was never the reflection of the will of the Italian populace, and in 2018, PD was soundly trammeled by the Lega – a moderately populist party – and Movimento Cinque Stelle, founded by comic guru and charletan Beppe Grillo (the Five Star Movement: No PD, no Tav, No vax, No EU, No Euro, No immigration, ‘happy’ stagnation).

Lega and Movimento Cinque Stelle – the two political parties with over 30% of the votes – agreed to form a coalition government, but the President of the Republic, Sergio Mattarella, would not permit them to choose a prime minister from their ranks, nor did he allow the two winning parties to choose those Ministers with significant functions, refusing outright the nomination of Professor Savona – a name agreed upon by both parties – as Minister of the Economy, due to his anti- EU and anti-Euro position. Matteo Salvini, Secretary of Lega, was relegated to the position of Minister of Defense, and M5S chose to place Luigi di Maio in the role of Foreign Minister (just to be clear: Giggino barely speaks Italian. It is preposterous and deligitimizing for the entire country to have such a figure occupy so significant a political role, but President Mattarella approved. And Di Maio is significantly richer, his palms oiled with copious quantities of CCP cash.) As Prime Minister, an obscure professor of Law named Giuseppe Conte was approved by Matarella, and as it turns out, Conte was a card -carrying member of the PD party. Do you now understand why it is so important to abolish the function of President of the Republic? This is certainly no figurehead: this indivual chooses the Prime Minister, approves the formation of the Cabinet of Ministers, and may suspend parliament. Only he may decide if a new election is necessary, and as you will now observe, these unelected figures (who in the past 20 years have been exclusively Leftists and members of PD) suspend and dissolve parliament for elections only when it will benefit their party: otherwise, a new coalition – even of warring political factions – must be found at all costs.

After a year of struggling unsuccessfully with the M5S party to achieve any significant political changes, in August of 2019, Lega called for a dissolving of parliament and another election in order to gain a stronger majority. There was nothing to fear: M5S had sworn it would never ally itself with PD! It had insulted, threatened, ridiculed and protested vocally against the PD party for years, even going so far as stating that they had to DIE! And yet . . . President Mattarella invited PD to make overtures to the M5S party, and voilà: by September 2019, Italy had a coalition government formed of M5S (which had been at 35%) in the 2018 elections, and PD, which had been at 17%. Once again, PD was in a position of power, and this diabolical movement literally took charge of the goverment, taking advantage of the M5S party’s complete lack of experience (and primary school education, it would seem, although Renzi also has a penchant for Ministers who never complete their obbligatory educational careers). Giuseppe Conte was reconfirmed as prime minister, because, of course, Italians discovered only then that Conte was a rather significant figure within the PD party.

At any rate, this reality left Italy with the Lega – for whom a relative majority of Italians had voted – in opposition, together with Fratelli d’Italia (Brothers of Italy, the name of Italy’s national anthem) and with Forza Italia, Berlusconi’s party. Covid arrived, and the Conte – M5S – Pd coalition government officially declared a national emergency (one month after it had published its declaration of emergency in the government’s Official Gazzette, and during which time it took absolutely no precautions). This government then proceeded to strip Italians of their constitutional rights, ruling over them by weekly administrative ‘decrees’, while the President of the Republic looked on passively. After numerous protests and failures, rather than permitting elections, Mattarella simply replaced Conte with Mario Draghi, President of the group of 30, former President of Goldman Sachs, former president of the BCE (responsible for the fall of Berlusconi’s government), former president of the Ministry of the Treasury: literally, the man behind the super-sale of government- owned assests to foreign interests and business cronies, including Goldman Sachs, at costs far below presumed market value, and against the best interests of Italians. Draghi’s government was also made possible by the approval of Lega and Forza Italia – leading huge swaths of their electorate feeling deeply betrayed – to which Lega in particular responded that it was better to be within the coalition, in order to prevent the already radicalized situation from precipitating further into authoritarian chaos. Fratelli d’Italia chose the option of remaining the only party in opposition, although they avoided agitating the waters by approving the bast majority of governmental decisions, whilst remaining in silence before the evident injustice of the discrimination of that distinct minority which refused the vaccine mandate. These huge numbers of individuals remained without any democratic representation.

Many Italians believed at this time that the structural disaster occuring within Italian society and the crumbling of its economy was due to mismanagement and incompetancy, rather than the outcome of a historically deliberated plan to destroy what was – prior to joining the EU and adopting its currency – the fourth greatest industrial Power in the world (the plan is to snatch Italy’s wealth by forced removal of money from private bank accounts, as occured in 1992 during the ministership of Giuliano Amato – now, bewilderingly the head of the Constitutional Court – as well as our properties and gold stores – the third greatest in the world). Many welcomed the possibilty of being governed by such a reknowned figure. Yes, he was a sub-prime pirate. Yes, he had been defined by former President of the Republic Federico Cossiga, as ‘a vile, unscrupulous moneymaker’. And of course, in his letter to members of the Group of 30, dated the 20th of December 2020, he speaks of the necessity of ‘creative destruction’ of what he defines as ‘zombie’ businesses, which are in fact the small and micro businesses owned by Italians for generations, upon which millions of individuals depend in order to survive, and which have been exported as a business model all over the world.

A modified article (18 bis, comma 2) of a preexisting law (n.361, 30th of March, 1957) approved unanimously on the 28th of June 2022 by Italian parliament, states that any political party present in at least one of the chambers of parliament prior to the date of December 21st, 2021, is exempted from the collection of signatures in order to demonstrate and ratify electoral support, even if they have not recieved more than 1% of votes nationally. Parliament was then dissolved on the 25th of July, and an annoucement made by Sergio Mattarella that elections would be held on the 25th of September, leaving new political movements born of the Covid/Constitutional crisis with significant logistical and meteorological hurdles to overcome: only a few weeks to legally ratify their parties with a notary, gather signatures of adherents in every region, deposit the signatures by the 22nd of August, and then commence an electoral campaign, and all of this during the hottest month of the year, when more than 80% of Italians are on holiday. Not only were these modifications clearly made to prevent any dissident voice from democratically participating in the political life of the country: they were approved and ratified unanimously, with the knowledge and support of every party – opposition party included – and accepted by the President of the Republic, who is also the representative head of Italian Magistrates. And all of this is occuring in the complete silence of the mainstream media, who have censured the very existance of these dissident parties. This scenario embodies the textbook definition of FASCISM.

Furthermore, on the 8th of September, 2022, the newspaper Repubblica published an interview with Health Minister Robert Speranza, citing him as having stated that there are 15.2 million Italians who have not yet recieved the first dose of the Cov19 innoculation (this is roughly 25% of the Italian population): statement which contradicts various official government websites, which claim a number around 7 million for those members of the population who have ‘not yet received a first dose’. Although we have attempted to shed light on this discrepancy, there has been no public retraction or correction, either on the part of the newspaper or the Minister himself. Which raises the question of manipulation and/or obfuscation of official data regarding the very population which has no official government representation, and has had ridiculously little time to communicate and coalesce in order to form a party worthy of representing its cause. It is possible that the forces that be are aware that the population which is our topic of discussion is actually much more numerous that anyone previously believed, which is why they took preemptive action with the modifications introduced at the end of June. It may also be the case, that the powers that be desire to delude this population into believing they are a larger number than they are in actuality, providing them with the necessary convinction to vote for the miniscule, courageous parties which – if the numbers of the unvaccinated are so low – have little hope of entering parliament, thus dispersing the value of a vote which may – half-heartedly – have been cast in favour of the center Right, in order to avoid the consolidated win of PD.

The management of the country under Mario Draghi shifted from catastrophic to what we may now define as apocalyptic. And yet, whatever will become of this country after the election of the 25th of September, it will certainly not be a clear reflection of the desires of the Italian population, as their options and intent have already been curtailed prior to reaching the election booth.

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